Politics

Iran War News: Mossad Chief Meets Trump Team

The latest Iran war news from Washington is a visit by Israel’s spy chief, who arrived in the American capital on Friday for talks with senior officials in President Donald Trump’s administration about the war in Iran. Mossad Director Roman Gofman, one of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s closest confidants, met with CIA Director John Ratcliffe, according to a report by Axios citing three sources familiar with the matter. The visit comes as Netanyahu presses Trump to resume military action against Tehran, a step the American president has so far resisted.

Gofman is also expected to travel to Miami to meet Steve Witkoff, Trump’s special envoy to the Middle East, the sources said. The two-stop itinerary captures the two tracks now running in parallel: the military question of whether to strike Iran again, and the diplomatic question of whether a deal can still be reached. Neither the Mossad, the CIA nor the White House commented on the meetings.

The timing is what makes the visit matter. It lands a day after Trump publicly shut down the diplomatic channel his own vice president had been running, and days after the two leaders spoke by telephone about the conflict on November 5. With the war in its tenth month and tankers moving through the Strait of Hormuz only under American naval escort, the question Gofman carried to Washington is the one that has divided the two governments for weeks: is the pressure campaign enough, or is another round of bombing required?

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Gofman’s Washington Schedule: CIA, Then Witkoff in Miami

The details of the visit were first reported by Axios, which cited three sources familiar with the matter, and were quickly picked up by Israeli and international outlets including the Jerusalem Post, Ynet, Haaretz and the Times of Israel. According to the report, Gofman’s meeting with Ratcliffe took place in Washington on Friday. The two agencies have worked closely throughout the war, sharing intelligence on Iran’s military and nuclear sites before and during the joint strikes that opened the conflict in February.

The second stop is the more unusual one. Witkoff, who serves as Trump’s special envoy to the Middle East, is based in Florida, and Gofman is expected to travel to Miami to sit down with him. A meeting with Witkoff signals that the Israeli side is engaging with the diplomatic track as well as the intelligence community. The pairing matters because of what happened the day before: on Thursday, Trump pulled Vice President JD Vance off the Iran negotiations and told him to focus instead on alleged corruption in Democratic-run cities and states. With Vance out of the picture, Witkoff is the envoy left holding the diplomatic end of the file.

What Gofman is asking for is clear from the reporting around the visit. Netanyahu has been pressing Trump to return to military action against Iran, and Gofman was sent to Washington as part of that effort. The Israeli prime minister’s argument is that the current posture of blockade, sanctions and frozen assets is not enough to finish the job, and that the moment for a renewed offensive is now.

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Trump Netanyahu News: Two Leaders Pulling in Different Directions

The disagreement at the heart of the visit is not new, but the public record of it has sharpened in the past two weeks. Trump has so far rejected Netanyahu’s pressure to return to combat, favouring continued economic pressure and a naval blockade while leaving room for a possible diplomatic agreement, according to the Times of India, which also cited the Axios reporting. The president has spoken recently about positive developments in the negotiations with Iran and has indicated that he was willing to hold off on fresh strikes. That position hardened into a public statement on Thursday, when Trump wrote on Truth Social that the United States does not need a deal with Iran, that it already holds Iranian money worth hundreds of billions of dollars, and that it holds the Strait of Hormuz.

Netanyahu’s office pushed back on Thursday against reports of a heated telephone conversation between the Israeli prime minister and Trump over Iran, denying that the call had turned confrontational. Both sides have an interest in presenting a united front even while they disagree on the central question. The two men did discuss the conflict in a telephone call on November 5, according to a United States official cited by Axios, and that call appears to have settled nothing.

The split is also visible inside the Israeli government. Israeli defense officials see no immediate need for strikes and favour any future operation being carried out alongside the United States, Ynet reported, a position that puts the military establishment closer to Trump’s caution than to Netanyahu’s urgency. Israeli officials also believe the diplomatic efforts have not yet collapsed, according to the same report.

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The Blockade, the Strait, and the Price of Pressure

The alternative to bombing that Trump has chosen is a pressure campaign built around three instruments: a naval blockade of Iranian ports, sanctions on Iranian oil, and frozen Iranian assets. The blockade is the most visible of the three. American warships have patrolled the Strait of Hormuz for months, escorting tankers through waters Iran has sought to close, and the waterway remains the flashpoint of the conflict. The war began in February, when the United States and Israel launched joint strikes on Iran’s military and nuclear infrastructure, and Tehran responded by closing the strait to shipping, sending energy prices spiking around the world.

The strait underlined its dangers again on Thursday, the same day Trump pulled Vance off the negotiations. Four oil tankers were hit by explosions in the Strait of Hormuz, Iran’s military said, adding that the vessels had ignored warnings and entered what it considers restricted areas of the strategic waterway. Brent crude held near 96 dollars a barrel as the news spread. Oil shipments through the waterway have recovered to near prewar levels, but tankers now rely on United States Navy escorts to navigate safely, and every incident is a reminder that the blockade is enforced by warships operating within range of Iranian missiles.

Iran has set a high price for returning to talks. Tehran has said it will not come back to the table unless the United States lifts its naval blockade, releases frozen assets and eases oil sanctions. Mohsen Rezaei, the secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, went further this week, saying Washington must accept seven core Iranian positions, including the lifting of the blockade, the removal of sanctions, reparations for war damage and an Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon, before the strait reopens. Iran’s parliament speaker, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, told Al Jazeera on Wednesday that the strait would “never return” to its pre-war status.

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JD Vance News: The Diplomatic Channel Goes Quiet

Gofman’s visit also has to be read against the abrupt change Trump made to his own team on Thursday. Vice President JD Vance had been the administration’s lead negotiator on Iran for much of the year, overseeing the backchannel contacts with Tehran and leading a United States delegation to Islamabad in April for talks aimed at ending the fighting. In October he wrote to Rezaei requesting a meeting, and on Wednesday the Wall Street Journal reported that he was considering face-to-face talks with the Iranian official as part of a fresh push to end the war. On Thursday morning, Trump ended that effort in a single social media post, telling Vance to drop the Iran file and devote his “complete and total attention” to alleged corruption in Democratic-run cities and states.

The reassignment leaves the Iran file without an obvious owner. Secretary of State Marco Rubio sketched the choice facing the president when he spoke to his counterparts from the Group of Seven in Paris on Tuesday, saying Trump had considered resuming the war or cutting a deal but had settled instead on strangling the Iranian regime, keeping the economic and military pressure in place rather than trading it away for an agreement. Gofman’s meeting with Witkoff fits that account: with Vance sidelined, the envoy in Miami is the official most likely to carry whatever diplomatic contact remains.

Trump himself sent mixed signals even on the day he closed the door. Later on Thursday, he conceded in an interview that it would be a “defeat” to walk away with Iran’s current regime still in power, while also telling reporters that taking military action “doesn’t seem to be a very necessary thing” and that the United States was “locked and loaded, ready to go.” The combination of no deal, no war and maximum pressure is the policy Gofman arrived in Washington to test. His visit is, in that sense, a probe of whether the president’s refusal to bomb is settled.

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What Happens Next for the Iran War

The most immediate thing to watch is what comes out of the Miami meeting. If Witkoff and Gofman agree on a framework for keeping the pressure campaign in place while talks stay open, the visit will have served as a pressure valve, with Netanyahu’s case heard at the highest level, Trump’s position unchanged, and both sides able to say the alliance is functioning. If instead it produces signs that Washington is warming to a renewed offensive, the consequences would show quickly in the naval posture in the Gulf and in oil markets already rattled by Thursday’s tanker explosions.

The second question is whether the diplomatic track has any life left in it. Israeli officials believe the efforts have not yet collapsed, and Trump has said he sees positive developments in the negotiations, but the public positions of the two sides are far apart: Iran demands the blockade lifted, assets released and sanctions eased before it will talk, and the administration has shown no sign of conceding any of those points. The June memorandum that once paused the fighting broke down within weeks, and the April talks in Islamabad ended without resolution. Gofman’s trip puts a senior Israeli voice in the room at the moment the administration is deciding what comes next.

The third question is domestic. The decision on Iran arrives days after Republicans suffered heavy losses in the midterm elections on November 3, losing control of both the House and the Senate, with the results widely read as a verdict on the cost of living and on a war voters had not signed up for. Trump has answered that rebuke in part by turning inward, redirecting Vance toward domestic investigations, and the choice between bombing Iran and blockading it is now being made by a president whose party has just lost Congress. What happens in Miami, and in the days after Gofman flies home, will show how narrow that window is.

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Source: Axios

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